The Hon. Mark Vaile, MP

crest

Speech

Hotel Los Tajibos, Santa Cruz, BOLIVIA
Friday 18 October

Address to the Global Alliance for Sugar Trade Reform Luncheon

Thank you Bruce, as Chairman of this very very important body the Global Sugar Alliance, to my co-host of the Cairns Group Meeting in Santa Cruz in Bolivia this year, Minister Leibers thank you very much for hosting our meeting here.  Ministerial colleagues, ambassadors, distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen.

It was interesting to listen to the outline that Eduardo just gave us with regard to the challenge consultations that are currently underway with regard to the EU's trade of sugar from Australia and Brazil.

It's an area where we should recognise one of the fundamental reasons why we belong to the WTO.  When we believe the rules are not being adhered to we have a right to take up the challenge on that.  Certainly in Australia's case we have always done that when we feel so inclined, but I'll make further comment about that later on.

Ladies and Gentlemen we are at a very crucial stage in the processes of the Doha Round particularly with regard to agriculture. 

You're right Bruce, this organisation was one of the few positives that came out of the failed meeting in Seattle in the end of 1999.  There probably were a few other things, but it provided us with an insight in to the delicate balances within the WTO in terms of trying to get decisions out of a consensus based decision making organisation such as the WTO.

For all sorts of reasons we ultimately achieved that in Doha last year by developing a mandate for the launch of a round of negotiations and most importantly with a finite period of time for conclusion, 1 January 2005.  This is going to present some serious challenges to all of us in terms of pursuing that date.  One of the critical elements that we did identify, and one of the good things we did identify in Doha was a date for the establishment for modalities, I'm sorry Bruce but that's the language, in agriculture the 30th of March next year. 

We knew if we didn't mandate that as part of the overall declaration last year we could end up in as much argy bargy as we did on industrials.  We didn't expect we'd have any dramas on industrials but we spent the first six months of this year arguing a deadline on market access on industrials. 

We've done that with agriculture.  So that gives us a finite period of time in terms of getting positions down on paper and presented to the agriculture negotiating committee in Geneva. 

We have done that, the Cairns Group have done that, addressing those key areas that focus those three key pillars interestingly and gratefully the United States has also done that with a proposal that I will say surprised most people following the passing of the farm bill earlier this year.  When you look at the year in terms of agricultural trade, the low point of the year without fear of contradiction would have been the passing of the farm bill.  I'm no apologist for the administration or the United States, but we should also recognise that farm bill is fundamentally the American Congress' farm bill not the administration's farm bill.

We should recognise that Anne Veneman did all she could to try and introduce some disciplines in terms of the level of support and subsidy and protection in US agriculture, largely without success, but she did try.  As a group we were very critical at the time and rightfully so, but we should acknowledge that and we'll have the opportunity tomorrow in the special guests section of our agenda to talk to senior members of the Bush Administration, namely USTR Ambassador Zoellick and also JB Penn a senior bureaucrat in USDA is here. 

But I come back to the point, following that, the position put down by the American's certainly surprised a lot in terms of their ambitions as far as market access is concerned.  When you analyse that it is not overly ambitious but there are other aspects of that proposal that are, but at least they're there.  We've got the Cairns Group clearly outlining its position in those core areas in the key reform proposals that have been put forward by the Cairns Group, obviously the elimination of export subsidies over three years for developed countries, and six years for developing countries with an immediate reduction of 50 per cent in export subsidies from the first day of implementation of a new agreement.  We've called for new rules to discipline export credit and food aid.  We've called for deep cuts in tariffs.  We've called for substantial increases in tariff quota volumes and strengthened rules for tariff quota administration.  We've called for the elimination of all trade distorting domestic support over five years for developed countries and nine years for developing countries and we've called for additional special and differential treatment for developing countries. 

As I've said the next stage of this process is that the chair of the agricultural negotiations, Stuart Harbinson, must put together the guidelines for agricultural trade liberalisation in the Doha Round by the end of this year.  That is going to present a challenge to Stu Harbinson, it's going to present a challenge to Dr Supachai, because to date out of all the key players that focus their minds and their energies of agricultural trade reform, it's only the Cairns Group and the United States that have declared our hand in terms of what our ambitions are. 

The other key players, the European Union and Japan have to date not put down anything.  David Spencer and Sergio Marchi would be well aware of the sorts of discussion taking place in Geneva and a lot of those, it seems, are hankering back towards article 20, while as far as our group is concerned, and the US is concerned, that is not acceptable and will not deliver anywhere near the sorts of ambitions that we require to acheive balance, that would encourage us to sign off on an agreement before the beginning of 2005.

So the Cairns Group meeting this year, here in Santa Cruz, Bolivia, is significantly challenged in that somehow we've got to work our networks, our spheres of influence outside of our group to ensure that we get the European Union and Japan to stop stalling and come to the negotiating table with credible proposals so that the negotiations can in fact begin.  So that we don't end up wasting the precious time that has been allocated to conclude this round.

We are in what we call in Australia 'real time' in this process.   We've spend a lot of time since the Uruguay Round, since the failure of Seattle, talking, arguing about different positions, trying to move different countries into different positions, line up the ducks so to speak.  We are down to real time.  It is a critical issue as far as the round is concerned for the Cairns Group, for Australia and for the United States I might add.  It's also critical for the sugar industry globally and I'll get a little bit parochial, it's particularly important for the Australian sugar industry.  Most of you would be aware of the very dire circumstances that the Australia sugar industry finds itself in at the moment. 

Just recently our government announced an adjustment package to try and refocus and reform the Australian sugar industry.  It's very difficult when they face global prices of five and six cents US a pound and competing against intervention pricing that allows 25 cents US a pound in countries like Europe and also the extremely restrictive and protective regime that exists in the United States.  We need not let the United States off the hook in this regard as far as distortions in global sugar trade are concerned.

This organisation has done an enormous amount of research work.   We need to be able to substantiate and base our arguments on statistical facts.  This report that Bruce has launched today is very very important, if you can't go out and mount a substantive argument for your case then you will get dismissed very quickly and shot down in flames.  This organisation has done an excellent job in terms of doing that and this study by the Centre for International Economics entitled Targets for OECD Sugar Market Liberalisation adds to the work done on sugar liberalisation by the Australian Bureau of Agricultural Resource Economics and Spark Companies in 1999. 

This report notes some very worrying trends.  It concludes that the level of trade protection has risen in recent years as the world price of sugar has fallen.  Levels of protection have risen while the global price of sugar have fallen.  Little wonder an industry likes ours in Australia that is open absolutely to the influences of the open market place is suffering the way it is.  Levels of protection have climbed  to around 400 per cent in Japan, 225 per cent in the UE, and 150 per cent in the US.  We are always asked why do you attack us, why to you attack our industries?  Well that's the reason why, that's exactly the reason why.  When we're trying to compete fairly in the global marketplace against those levels of protection.  

The study also provides useful estimates of the value of the removal of all protection by 2012.  The CIE modeling indicates that the world price of sugar would increase by around 60 per cent relative to the average world price over the last four years.  That would mean an increase from around six to eight cents a pound at the moment to around between 11.5 and 13.5 cents per pound, still well short of that intervention price.  Perhaps more importantly the study aims to build a better understanding of which policy instruments in which countries are the most distortionary to domestic sugar markets and world prices.  Based on this information priorities for reform are identified in the study. For example the study concludes for the EU, a 50 per cent reduction in the EU intervention price would effectively lead to full liberalisation of the EU sugar market, that's just by a 50 per cent reduction in the EU intervention price.  For the United States a maximum 25 per cent tariff on sugar would lower the producer price and therefore the loan rate to around 13 cents a pound and result in imports increasing to around five million tonnes, effectively going 85 per cent of the way to full liberalisation of the US market.  The good news is that a maximum 25 per cent tariff is exactly what the current US WTO proposal is.

While there's a long way to go in these negotiations in the WTO it is heartening to finally see a proposal which would actually mean something to our sugar industries.  It is also worth noting that proposals by Cairns Group members would mean even more liberalisation for our sugar industries.  Cairns Group members and the United States have both proposed a maximum tariff of 25 per cent.  Cairns Group members have also proposed increase in tariff quotas for sugar by 1.8 million tonnes in the US market and 2.8 million tonnes in the EU market.

If I could just conclude ladies and gentlemen on a couple points firstly let me reinforce again the significance of agriculture in these negotiations.  There will be no conclusion to the Doha Round unless there is an acceptable outcome as far as agriculture is concerned, that includes sugar, but not just specifically sugar.  I see in the room we've got representatives from just about all the agricultural sectors that are taking a keen interest in these negotiations.  The Cairns Group and the United States are now playing a crucial role trying to leverage other countries forward. We must now build on the pressure we have started to apply to the EU and to Japan to show their hand in enough time for Harbinson to develop his negotiating modalities.  If we don't then we're going to waste a lot of next year arguing about these issues of process.  We need to be very very strident in our determination to ensure there is a clear understanding that we will walk away from other issues if we don't get fairly treated with agriculture.

The other point I wanted to make Mr Chairman, and it would be remiss of me not to mention in this gathering the current situation Eduardo Cavallo (ph sp) mentioned with regard to the consultations being conducted in Geneva on sugar with the EU by Australia and Brazil.  All we're trying to achieve is that we want to ensure that the European Union is complying with their WTO commitments.  We consider there's a strong case that they are not, so we've begun this process. 

I understand Mr Chairman that this action has created some sensitivities, some tensions within the Global Sugar Alliance.  Let's be clear on one thing, we are either in favour of reform or we are not.  We are either in favour of reform or we are not.  If we are then we must be active at every level in pursuing it.  You can't have it today and not tomorrow, you can't have it on one hand and not on the other. 

We have structured a rules based system that we are committed to, that we continue to lecture our respective communities about the benefits of, and if we believe those rules are not being applied properly or complied with properly, then it is our right to challenge those rules.  There are countries that there are, and quite rightly so, that get preferential access.  We had a meeting with Fiji in Australia this week and discussed this issue.  As Eduardo said the action that has been taken in no way is targeted at those special preferential access arrangements. 

I say again, if we are serious about reform we must actively pursue it, we must actively pursue it wherever we can.  It should come as no surprise to anybody in this room that Australia always has, Australia will and always will where we believe we have a case, we will mount that case.  Other countries that have a grievance with Australia will challenge some of the things that we do.  We are always prepared to go and actively defend those, because we believe in and comply with the rules.  All we ask is that other countries do the same.  In this case we don't believe that is the case and we believe that is our right as does Brazil to have adjudication on that.  But as far as the existence and the focus of the Global Sugar Alliance is concerned I leave you with that point.  We are either in favour of reform and improvement in an inequitable system in making it fairer and more equitable or we are not.  You cannot have two bob each way on this issue. 

Thank you ladies and gentlemen.


Local Date: Saturday, 22-Nov-2008 11:36:11 EST